POLLY PLATT

Article:

Out of Context - Part 1

By Polly Platt, author of Savoir-Flair and French or Foe?



  
 
Illustration copyright Brian Ajhar
This is Part 1 of a three-part article.

  Part 1       Part 2  To Part 2 of Out of Context     Part 3   To Part 3 of Out of Context  

 
 


There are 2,000 years of culture riding against the digital revolution.
What you need to keep in mind as you conduct your business abroad.

The world, we're told, is about to become one big, digitally linked space. With everyone connected to the World Wide Web, differences in culture, language, custom, and time zones will no longer keep us apart. Or will they?

Digital culture is taking root at different rates all over the world. For example, in southern Europe digital automation is prevalent in certain sectors--big time. With the globalization of financial markets, banking in these Mediterranean countries is state of the art, attuned to Wall Street and the world via the Internet. Banks are aggressively online. Banking transactions are now handled with smart cards (France's Roland Moreno invented smart cards' built-in microprocessor). Accounting standards are international.

However, when it comes to tapping into commercial markets on the Web, establishing business Web sites, or even owning a computer with Internet access at home, it's quite a different story in the sunny countries along the Mediterranean.

According to a study published in 2000 by Accenture (formerly Andersen Consulting), Finland has almost 90 Web sites per 1,000 inhabitants, Norway 65, and Sweden over 40 (compared with 60 per 1,000 inhabitants in the U.S.), France has 8, and Spain and Italy 5. The study found that the number of household computers in the U.K. and Scandinavia, as compared with France, Italy, and Spain, is roughly 2 to 1 (3 to 1 for the U.S., and 1.5 to 1 for Germany).

Why are so few French, Italians, and Spaniards online? The answer may lie in 2,000 years of culture.

High- and Low-Context Cultures

Edward T. Hall, an American social anthropologist and author of The Silent Language (Doubleday, 1959), The Hidden Dimension (Doubleday, 1966), and Beyond Culture (Anchor Press, 1976), made a communications leap of Einsteinian proportions when he perceived, from his studies of a number of cultures, two fundamentally different ways of experiencing the world. Hall claimed that cultures are either "high context" or "low context," and have widely variant perceptions of time. Whether a culture is "high" or "low" context can go a long way to determining how digitally attuned it will be--or how fast, it might embrace the wired world.

Low-context cultures--most of the Germanic and English-speaking cultures, which are mostly Northern and Protestant in background--are explicit: direct, linear, verbal. Channels of communication are clear. Working teams share information, cooperate among themselves, and support one another. Information and goods are easy to obtain. If you see something advertised in a catalogue in the U.S., you phone the number indicated. Someone will answer. After your order and credit-card number are taken, the transaction has ended. End of contact. The context--the who and why, of a business transaction--doesn't matter. What does matter is getting a job done, going forward, and making money, not trying to familiarize yourself with people before you trade or communicate extensively with them. Not surprisingly, the cultures that embrace linear transactions, the U.S. being the most notable among them, are the ones rapidly embracing the wired world, with its anonymity and speed of communication.

Low-context cultures can generally be classified as achievement cultures, and they're always, as Hall termed them, "monochronic," viewing time as sequential and highly scheduled. To them, time is an absolute. But, Hall observed, time is not a social absolute; like space, it is culturally variable and programmed. Hall found that countries having the same sense of "when" also share various other perceptions and behavior codes. They have similar mechanisms--management principles, procedures, habits of work, agendas, and attitudes toward a task to be accomplished. Monochronics build in mechanisms to feel in control; one of them is adhering to the task, another is improving machines.

While Americans, Canadians, Britons, Germans, and Swedes grow up assuming that their perception of "on time" and "lateness" is universally valid and as incontestable as the movement of the planets, the fact is that only the northern, industrialized, business-oriented countries have similar definitions. (Japan has rigorously adopted this time sense, although it is in most other ways high context.) To a citizen of one of these countries, "late" for a business appointment means not "on the dot" of the scheduled time and may affect the outcome of the meeting. There are only slight variations in the toll for each accumulated minute of lateness.

For these nations, time is sequential and rigorously scheduled along an endless ribbon of appointments and obligations. People live in a kind of temporal straitjacket, bullied by a schedule they can change only at the cost of their credibility, and by their religion of punctuality that equates lateness with original sin or lunacy. Time is quantified ("wasted," "saved," "killed"). The appointment and the project often have priority over everything, including urgent demands on a person's time by family or friends.

In contrast, for the overwhelming majority of humanity, being alive doesn't necessarily mean being "on time." Numerous cultures have a more indulgent or elastic view of "lateness," if indeed they have a word for it, at all. Hall called these cultures--Asian, African, Middle Eastern, Mediterranean, Slavic, Central European, Latin American--polychronic. The world of the polychronics is abuzz with people. Projects get completed because of the vast network of people. And people come first. Time is more like a balloon that swells and deflates according to what's going on, who's present. The more people around all the time and the more things happening at once the better. Appointments are for giving a general idea--they're easily postponed or canceled, with no ill effect.

High-context cultures are affiliation cultures. Much of the interaction of high-context people is implicit: coded, circular, indirect. The message is in the body language, the setting, the relationship between the people involved. They have their own private networks for information, which they keep to themselves, and they are constantly updating these so they won't need much background information. They prefer not to do business on the phone, except with people they know.

The relationships of high-context people, once established, are for keeps. They don't need contracts, except to set a general direction, which will evolve. And-bottom line--their relationships, honor, and face are more important than business. In many of these cultures, power may also come before business. Often a businessperson in a high-context culture has chosen to lose a deal rather than a portion of his or her power.

High-context cultures don't view time as being segmented. People in those countries will be on time if some greater priority doesn't come up in the meantime. Their schedules are flexible. But they keep time according to their own system, and "on time" for them might be a half-hour, an hour, a week, or a month "late" for you, depending on the culture.


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Adapted from an article originally published in the New England Financial Journal. Illustration copyright © Brian Ajhar.

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About the Author

Polly Platt (1927-2008) was the bestselling American author and public speaker whose books tell you all you need to know about handling the French and enjoying France if you're visiting, living or working there. Learn more about Polly Platt.



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